By Sasha Alex Lessin, Ph.D. (Anthropology, U.C.L.A.)
1964–1978 — KHOMEINI FORCED INTO EXILE
In October 1978, expelled from Iraq, Khomeini relocated to Neauphle-le-Château, France. There, he gained direct access to global media and could issue daily messages into Iran. He positioned himself as the undisputed voice of opposition and coordinated the final revolutionary surge as the Shah’s system unraveled.
Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi fled Iran in January 1979 because his regime had lost the ability to govern in the face of a nationwide revolutionary wave. Months of escalating protests—uniting religious clerics, secular intellectuals, workers, and students—had paralyzed the country through strikes, mass demonstrations, and civil unrest. His reliance on the secret police (SAVAK), censorship, and violent crackdowns had eroded his legitimacy, while economic strain and perceptions of corruption deepened public anger. Crucially, he also lost the backing of key pillars of power: parts of the military grew unreliable, and the United States signaled that it would not support a full-scale repression to save his rule. Facing collapsing authority, mounting bloodshed, and no clear path to restore control, the Shah departed—officially for a “vacation,” but in reality as an exile—opening the way for Ayatollah Khomeini’s return and the final phase of the revolution.
The Shah’s troops could not control Iran’s millions of dissidents.
Jan 16: Mohammad Shah fled.
FEB–APR 1979 — DUAL POWER SYSTEM
Iran’s revolution was not a single movement. It was a field of competing futures. Two competing authorities, one official–The moderate, nationalist, semi-democratic formal government that MEHDI BAZARGAN led, and the other, clerical, theocratic, militant, and de facto.
Bazargan sought stability and tried to nurture positive international relations. He led Iran’s technocrats, liberals, and nationalists who wanted Iran to be a democratic republic but lacked any means to transform their latent power into legitimate authority backed by armed might. Bazargan was appointed by Ruhollah Khomeini, not elected by the public, not chosen by parliament, and not appointed by the Shah. When Mohammad Shah fled Iran, his Prime Minister, Shapour Bakhtiar, remained, but lacked real power.
When Khomeini returned to Iran in February 1979, he declared himself to have revolutionary legitimacy and asserted that the Shah’s government was illegitimate. Khomeini personally appointed Bazargan as Prime Minister of a “Provisional Government. This was not constitutional under the Shah’s system; it was based on revolutionary authority and mass support of the Iranian people. For a brief period, Iran had two governments:
| Old System | New Revolutionary System |
|---|---|
| Shah’s Prime Minister (Bakhtiar) | Bazargan (appointed by Khomeini) |
| Legal framework | Revolutionary legitimacy |
| Weak, collapsing | Rapidly gaining control |
Within days, the military declared neutrality, Iran’s old system collapsed, and Bazargan became the de facto head of government, albeit without enforcement power. Two competing authorities emerged: the Formal Government led by Bazargan. Bazargan’s faction was Moderate, nationalist, semi-democratic, and sought stability and peaceful international relations. The Revolutionary Power Network loyal to Khomeini included clerics, revolutionary committees (komitehs), militias, and street networks. The official government had titles, but the revolutionaries had real power to determine policy.
THE FACTIONS, TOUTING RIVAL FUTURES, COMPETED
Islamists (Khomeini faction), promoted their vision of an Islamic state for Iran and exercised their political clout via mosque networks and mass support, as in the picture below.
The U.S.’s Carter administration considered access to Iran’s oil critical to America’s competitions with Russia’s Soviets. Carter lobbied Iran to stabilize Iran and allow the U.S. access to Iran’s oil.
SPRING–FALL 1979 — ISLAMISTS OUTMANEUVERED RIVALS
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